The gendering of roles in higher educational leadership and management: Inequality in diversity
by
Sal Fiore
on Sat 07 Apr 2007 01:28 AM BST |
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Cosmos
Through
theoretical understanding and a series of conversations with female
Vice-Chancellors in UK universities, this paper highlights the tenuous nature of certain
knowledge claims about women, reported throughout the management
literature. It further lends support to the assertion that leadership
roles held by women are socially constructed rather than intrinsic to
the gender. The methodology adopted, a series of semi-structured
interviews, has enabled the author to raise issues related to equal
opportunities and equality in Higher Education, with regard to
leadership and management. Although not statistically documented, the
research presents discussions and reflections on themes which are
subject to discussion and current debate in educational management and
leadership literature. The paper concludes that it is important to
discuss further the concept of masculinity and femininity in
educational leadership and management, suggesting that femininity is an
untapped source of diversity, which should be explored not only by
women, but also men in senior management positions within educational
organisations.
Introduction
Complexities characterising the discourse on Higher Education
leadership as masculine, feminine or androgynous bring out fascinating
questions for educational management theory and practice. Examining
simultaneously germane issues of performativity, equal opportunities
and diversity leads the present discussion to a critical perspective on
the ways in which women leaders are represented within HE and how
femininity is little considered as an untapped resource of great
richness and significance for educational leadership.
An analysis of the issues related to leadership is facilitated by very
briefly exploring theories which underpin educational management. Such
theories, having developed within the chronology of the history of
educational management, have at certain points ignored issues related
to gender which only in more recent times have had coverage in the
educational context. Indeed, the questions raised in this essay
surrounding the relations between genders and leadership could not have
been effectively raised previously. It is only now that we have
available a prolific body of literature on masculinity and femininity,
loaded with questions which are of wide and common interest that
balanced consideration is facilitated. While some of these questions
have been forced about by legislation, others are the interests of
sociologists, psychologists and anthropologists, to mention just a
few.
In this way, by attempting a critical examination of some of the
knowledge claims about femininity and masculinity represented through
styles of leadership, issues of oppression become more evident in the
current masculinist culture of performativity in Higher Education
today, driven by the commercialisation and postmodern diversification
of universities and learning. From this emerge suggestions that equal
opportunities should not look at representing women and men equally by
merely having more women leaders, but by representing through having
more diverse leaders, whether male or female, by the reinterpretation
of diversity in leadership.
Understanding is developed in light of the author’s experiences in
Higher Education as a lecturer in a typically masculine subject area
and environment, as well as reflections from short conversations held
with women vice-chancellors and senior managers. In exploring the
concept of masculinity as a domineering model of leadership, attention
is directed to how masculine ideals are upheld through, for example,
management practice, public relations activities and
policy.
From this broad debate, conclusions are drawn centring on the
suggestion that it may be more fruitful not to reframe masculinity and
femininity as separate styles of leadership, but rather to try and see
leadership as inclusive of itself.
Educational Leadership
The development of the educational leadership discourse
In a changing educational context and business-like climate of UK HE,
educational management has become a point of attention in its own right
(Bush, 2003). It has been argued that the worlds of business and
education are by no means mutually exclusive and there is certainly
nothing new in the suggestion that the world of education is
underpinned by business matters (Gunter, 2006a) (Morrison, 1998). To
this end, Bush locates the field of educational management
chronologically in that of industry and commerce, including the work of
Taylor, Fayol and Weber and notes how theory has been developed through
the application of industrial models to educational settings (Bush,
2003). It seems inevitable that, at a certain point, we should reflect
on the fact that leadership styles identified in Higher Education and
much of the theory of more classic management studies, may collide,
collude, interpenetrate and reinterpret each other as the distinctions
between HE organisation as business or public sector become more
blurred.
Buchanan and Huczynski (2004) have traced historical developments in
the way that leadership has been viewed and studied within various
fields. Many such classical theories have been based upon the structure
of organisations as hierarchical, wherein select individuals are
granted the responsibilities and authority of leadership. The most
controversial and oldest of general leadership theories are those based
on the belief that specific personality traits are directly and
causally linked to leadership ability (ibid) and the notion that
special innate or acquired qualities enable only some gifted people to
ascend to leadership roles. In this sense, such ‘trait theories’ are
essentially pessimistic and exclusive in precluding some people from
the potential to be leaders. As Tomlinson (2004) notes, inability or
unwillingness to lead is due to lack of ‘self-knowledge’,
‘authenticity’ or interest as opposed to inefficiencies of character.
Lists of leadership qualities nonetheless generally paint a notably
masculine picture of the leader as someone who is tough, vigorous,
venturesome, driven, confident, tolerant, influential, ambitious,
decisive, emotionally stable and fair (Buchanan and Huczynski, 2004)
although there is no unified view regarding which traits are most
relevant and lists have been criticised for being lengthy, vague,
inconsistent and impossibly generic to all settings. While Stogdill
(1948) has suggested that certain traits may be linked to success in
specific situations, such theories generally ignore the impact of
contextual and interpersonal factors in shaping the way people lead and
are led.
To escape such problems, attention later shifted from the selection of
‘born leaders’ to the training and development of leadership skills
centring on behavioural aspects of a participative, democratic and
involving style (Buchanan and Huczynski, 2004). Researchers such as
Blake and Mouton (1978) asserted that patterns of behaviour could be
grouped and labelled as styles.
As with trait theories, however, style theories of leadership did not
pay appropriate attention to the context or setting in which a
particular style was used, failing to recognise that a style of
leadership that works well with friends may be highly ineffective with
a set of strangers in a crisis. From this emerged an understanding that
leadership ‘styles’ are closely linked to other people and the working
environment.
Commentators turned accordingly to consider the contexts in which
leadership is exercised in response to the idea that needs alter when
situation changes. While such contingency theories have varied in
focus, they have most strongly incorporated the suggestion that
everything is determined by context. This inevitably leads to the
proposition that different styles of leadership could be suitable for
different situations, exerting demand for individuals able to develop
flexibility towards their ways of working to suit the situation at
hand. Fiedler (Fiedler, 1967) offered theories combining a mix of
factors, such as leadership style, the degree to which the situation
gives the leader control and influence and the relationship between
leader and followers.
In such theories, there is no expectation that leaders should question
the goals of their organisation or that they should change the
situation beyond adapting their behaviour and values to it (Cheng,
2002). In this sense, the classical theories and formal models that
have shaped leadership practice are securely based on rational and
positivist notions of order, control and bureaucracy (Cartwright,
2005). They are essentially transactional in being based around a
process of influence between leaders and followers. In contingency
theories for example, it is not only the environment that influences
effective leadership, but also the knowledge and capabilities of the
leader and others and each persons’ values, goals and expectations
(Ibid).
Transactional and Transformational educational leadership
It is the ability of a leader to encourage his or her followers beyond
what they might have thought possible and turn an organisation into
something that can “enable ordinary human beings to do extraordinary
things” (Drucker, 1989, p155) that can represent a demarcation between
what it is to manage and to lead, or between transactional and
transformational leading. While the former can be understood to
emphasise getting things done; to exchange rewards for employee
performance and effort, the latter act as visionaries, giving a sense
of direction and purpose (Gunter, 2006a).
Managerial goals, associated with the transactional have been suggested
to arise from necessity rather than desires, whereas leadership goals
centre on changing the way people think about what is desirable,
possible and necessary (Zaleznik, 1977).
Transactional management thus emphasises the history and culture of the
‘conservative’ and ‘inert’ organisation (Zaleznik, 1977), reducing
agency through systematic adaptation to the environment (Gronn, in
Gunter, 2006a), whereas transformational leadership looks to
possibilities of exercising individual agency and building dialogical
relations (Zaleznik, 177); although criticism can also be levelled at
the imbalance of causal agency this accords to leaders (Gronn, in
Gunter, 2006a) in certain environments.
While leaders can also be managers (Cartwright, 2005), it is fruitful
to emphasise the power of effective educational leadership to inspire
and reflect the best in society. In this sense, “Leaders are, at least
in part, the creations of those whom they lead” (Eaton, 1988 p.78). At
the same time though, organisational goals tend to be the current
pre-occupations and intentions of the dominant coalition, so that
transforming educational leadership is about striving for change in
direct collaboration or confrontation with the stakeholders of an
organisation; an organisation characterised by conflict and change
rather than consensus and stability (Cartwright, 2005) and influenced
from without by an increasingly commercialised context. The emphasis
then shifts to managing knowledge in terms of engaging directly with
everyday experiences and people (Knights & Willmott, 2000) so that
a two-way interaction of employees and policy‑makers facilitates the
building of trust in the organisation (Bottery, 2005).
Bush (2003) identifies a distinction in the roots of effective
educational leadership within the significance of educational aims
(Bush, 2003). This differs from the organisational goals typical to
industry, and requires academic leaders to balance the interaction of
aims and abstract goals; of corporate success and educational and
social responsibilities. The transformational is thus also in
preventing educational purpose and values from being subsumed by
managerial procedures (ibid).
Debate in how to understand leadership and develop leadership skills is
thus clearly grounded nowadays within a wider understanding of
organisational, political and educational issues. From an early
emphasis on notably masculine traits of leaders, discussion has turned
towards more inclusive organisational theories. Parallel to this has
emerged a focus towards less rationalistic and domineering styles of
leadership towards valuing of leaders able to transform and help enrich
the organisation.
Gender representations in educational leadership
Belief about natural foundations of gender differences in leadership
It has often been implied that we find the natural or biological
characteristics of women and men exercised in their leadership.
Moreover, leadership styles that are classed as feminine or masculine
are mostly attributed to intrinsic factors related to the leader. This
can be sex, biological inheritance or natural traits developed
throughout the years as peculiar to the particular gender of the
leader. The literature is replete with references to how gender
differences can influence leadership style. For example, a masculine
view of leadership highlights terms of dominance, aggression (Wilson,
1995) and other stereotypical male attributes like an admiration for
hierarchy and control, or a predisposition towards better integration
within highly regulated and disciplined environments (Bush, 2003). For
the latter, a classic example is the military. Instead, the feminine
style of leadership that is reported as being a natural development of
the sex-role within an organisation, finds scope within beliefs that
women leaders are more caring, creative, helping, responsible,
inclusive, intuitive, prone to network collaboration and cooperation.
Females are also argued to have stronger verbal skills than males by
some (Helgesen,1990)(Fisher, 2005) although as Powell (Powell, 1993)
confirms, such notions can only be beliefs.
Such beliefs are amplified by arguments about whether feminine
characteristics are developed by women from their very early childhood
or are ascribable to a natural predisposition of the individual.
The gendering of roles
Some studies have reported on how trait-based beliefs and stereotypical
figures about men or women are products of culture or of archetypes
maintained due to organisational environments which reinforce
individuals in identifying personal traits or characteristics in
particular leadership styles. That is, masculinity and femininity have
no ahistorical essence, but are the outcomes of socially generated
ideas (Whitehead, 2002). They cannot be grasped by hand and exist in a
dialogical relationship.
Some authors who have highlighted particularly feminine
characteristics, choose to maintain some distance from the more radical
views (Gray, 1989) by proposing that such intrinsic characteristics
linked to gender stereotypes are fruit of the popular imagination.
Indeed, it becomes evident how difficult it actually is to identify a
person entirely with one category. Social pressures exercised
internally or externally to the HE organisation, can make the
acceptance of androgyny difficult, especially when leaders in prominent
positions are requested to play a particular role linked with their
gender, in order to be considered more appropriate figures. Generally,
management and leadership in education have been roles held mostly by
males, with women marginalized to more caring and nurturing roles such
as teaching, counselling and supporting students. Such stereotypes have
been the product of a rational scientific tradition of which
unfortunately, we still see residual representations nowadays. The male
stereotype for such organisations is an individual who is rational,
cold, able to manage finances and not in any respect emotionally
involved, seeking an objective stance which has the ultimate aim of
creating benefits for the organisation through rational means.
Whereas women have been associated with nature, men are allied with
culture embedded with enlightenment thought and thus able to control
the material world. Particular regimes of truth, in which rationality
is associated with masculinity in leadership and emotionality with
teaching and femininity, are thus borne out. These hegemonic regimes of
truth can survive within particular organisational cultures, as history
reminds us how institutions and organisations are socially constructed
and not given.
The bureaucrat-neutral figure of the male has found fertile ground in
the ideas of Enlightened Circles who have sought to demonstrate the
capacity of man to control his environment and nature through science.
As such, rationality has also meant being methodical, scientific and
objective (Rorty, 1991). Finance and, more generally, administrative
roles of education assigned to leaders, become, as such, matter-of-fact
where to be rational is to have the criteria for success laid down in
advance in order to control and predict. This has nothing to do with
the softer side of humans, which is the emotionally-charged, intuitive
and subjective view of rationality. It is plausible at this point that
masculinity finds in the natural sciences, rational arguments for the
existence of natural traits in male leaders, especially if “…to
be rational means to be able to lay down criteria in advance…” (ibid,
p.36).
In all this theorising, femininity associated with the soft and
masculinity with the hard, become regimes of truth. In this women can
administer the feminine by only teaching to young children and girls or
by leading only women and men can administer the masculine through the
dispensation of rational thought in the bureaucratic patriarchal
family-like organisation. These accounts are very close to what
Cartwright identifies as “the plethora of theories that emphasise the
importance of the personal characteristics of the leader…[which]…make
them fundamentally different from the rest of the population”
(Cartwright, 2005, p.258).
Such masculine hegemonic discourses have nonetheless been countered by
feminist accounts of leadership (Blackmore, 1999) which have sought to
make the administration of education more inclusive by marginalizing
all the facets of leadership associated with biological femininity and
instead bringing to the fore, the cultural, ethnic and political
aspects of leadership held by women and reframing discourses of
femininity within cultural-contextual, historical-structural and social
relations.
Masculinity in the workplace has also been the subject of numerous
studies which have highlighted how some organisational substrates can
be organised around characteristics stereotypically assigned to genders
(Maier, 1999). It can become hidden deeply in the process and the whole
life of the organisation, as (Middlehurst, 1997) has expounded in his
review on leadership theories and gender characteristics, particularly,
in trait, behavioural, contingency and power and influence theories.
Conversations with female senior managers in Higher Education
Methodology
A series of conversations in the form of semi-structured interviews
have been carried out with three women in executive positions
(Vice-Chancellors) and three women in senior management positions in UK
Universities. The questions posed to the interviewees by the author,
ranged from closed to open-ended, in order to give the respondents the
possibility of reflection and to stimulate dialogue. The question
themes varied from questions related to personal experiences of the
interviewees whilst ascending to their current position as women in
leadership management roles, to themes connected to issues of power and
gender in the institutions they currently lead.
The conversations had a duration of approximately one hour and were
annotated by the author. Subsequently reflections in light of
theoretical understanding have been developed and integrated within the
following discussion, in light of the current debate and on leadership
and management in educational institutions.
For the purpose of this research, the interviewees have preferred to
remain anonymous and no direct quotes from the conversations held are
reported below, although the emerging themes and issues are reported in
the following paragraphs, which summarise the conversations with the
three Vice-Chancellors.
Interview 1
This Vice-Chancellor spoke of a fundamental difference between men and
women, suggesting that leaders share a set of intrinsic qualities
including vision, the ability to attract admiration and being in some
way differentiated from others. She valued most highly the skill of
communication for a leader and spoke of herself in terms of typically
feminine qualities of inclusion, openness, communication and patience.
She nonetheless also emphasised the value of proactivity, persistence
and consistency, seeing also some value in autocracy under certain
crisis situations while noting the incompatibility of true democracy
and leadership.
Her background in industry has taught her that industry is less able to
tolerate free thinkers than academia and shown to her the importance of
recognising the personal motivation of employees when leading in the
academy. This she felt must be reflected in leadership style adopted.
Her being a woman, she felt, had served to distinguish her from male
colleagues and brought her some advantage in being highly visible as a
woman at her level, though she shared her experiences of being treated
differently and ignored by male colleagues in earlier roles.
For this VC, leadership has meant putting faith in her team to develop
a concept or project and she speaks gladly of the rewarding feeling in
seeing the success of those she has taken a chance and her put trust in.
For her, leadership should represent the beneficiaries Higher Education
delivers to HE delivers to and be led by suggestions from the
employees, rather than from the peak of the hierarchy.
She expressed the opinion that many women in leadership roles nowadays
have adopted a masculine style of managing and that, while her
training and early work experience was in an ‘oriental’, comparably
matriarchal and inclusive style, this is in reality compromised by need
to have a ‘hard edge’ in order to lead effectively.
Interview 2
This Vice-Chancellor sees herself as being heavily engaged with management of the university.
She suggested that the most important quality of a leader is that of
leading the organisation through changes, but that this will not happen
by being only a manager; that is, by only balancing the figures. She
conceives of herself as akin to a Chief Executie Officer of the
organisation, though her leadership role, she maintains does not have
intrinsic qualities that are biologically inherited.
For this Vice-Chancellor, her education and experiences have been very
important in making the decision to become VC, and that other choices
made in her life more generally have contributed to shaping her as a
leader.
She feels pleasure at being exposed to a prominent role and believes
that, instead of expecting others to carry out a particular task, it is
her role to delegate while maintaining contact with things, by
devolving control and empowering people. In this she also feels
strongly that trust between herself and other people, is the most
important secret for getting things done. In this she feels are the
most feminine themes of her leadership. In fact, she also feels that
involvement in the decision-making process enables her to better
connect to her management team. She feels that there are no role models
to whom she aspires, but strongly believes that early stages of career
have developed her attitude to leadership. She feels also feminist
influences exercised in her working practice and her life. Being in a
prominent position, she has found herself in front of a management team
composed of males who initially did not know how to behave with a woman
VC. So, she feels that people behave based on the expectations they
have of their own role as gender-related. However, she also feels that
there are some masculine themes in her leadership, for example, when
she is clear about what she wants to achieve and plans everything at an
early stage by making sure that things evolve according to the
delegated tasks. In this she wants a degree of control over the
situation. With regard to gender-related issues in management and
leadership styles, she believes that there is a sort of continuum
between men and women and that there is no biological distinction, but
that opportunities given to men or women condition their career. The
continuum in leadership styles is socially constructed and not
biologically inherited, as some of the rational tradition literature
instead explicates. She believes that her leadership makes women more
visible to management.
Interview 3
This Vice-Chancellor works very closely with the executive team and
believes that such team should be more gender-balanced, being composed,
at the date of the interview, entirely of men. She feels that the most
important quality of a leader is to have a vision leading the
institution through and not of managing the actual figures. She refers
to a concept described as ‘followership’ as fundamental to the
structuring of the organisation wherein her legal responsibilities
define her role formally while agency in her way of doing things
defines it personally. She emphasises her progression to her present
role through the field of education, which she feels to be less
gender-biased than other areas she has experienced, such as
engineering. The balancing of work and family life are critical for
this person, though this is primarily achieved through their separation
and careful time management, rather than integration of personal and
work aspects of her life. She admits to relying upon the appropriation
of ideas and constant interaction with students and staff in her
leadership role. Placing heavy emphasis on the fact that the figures
must add up in terms of student intake, she was the most
managerially-focussed of the women interviewed and highly oriented
towards achievement and demonstration of success. She emphasised the
importance of personal and professional background in the making of a
leader.
Discussion and current debate
The University was once a site of exclusivity and ‘high culture’
(Jacoby, 1997) where the privileged formed a community, almost
exclusively of men, to engage in rational discourse and teach,
according to Arnold “the best that has to be thought and known in the
world” (in Smith and Webster, 1997, p.3). Nowadays things are
different. Women heads of Universities in the UK now account for 15 of
the total 127 (UK Universities, 2006). There is a better representation
of women in lecturing roles, but they are still underrepresented in
higher professorial ranks, which remain a predominantly male realm.
Universities present many more complexities of purpose and structure.
The old unified idea of the University as the home of the educated
elite, contrasts particularly with the fragmented and diverse make-up
of today’s academies. The process of change has seen UK education pass
through a period of bureaucratisation whereby the rational management
of knowledge was elevated in relevance (Smith & Webster, 1997).
Challenged by the state-imposed paradox of combining cultural and
scientific knowledge, in a competitive global economy, the move to mass
education is evident today (Scott, 1997).
Indeed, the economy is nowadays a direct determinant of the
University’s future development as pressure is on academic leaders, not
only to generate cultural capital but also to increase economic wealth.
Moreover, in addition to the massive increase in the percentage of
people attending Higher Education courses, the diversity of age, sex,
nationality and culture has never been so broadly represented in the
student community. The strain this puts on resources is a direct
indicator of the management approach of university leaders, where
instrumentalism presides in the shadow of government stricture (Smith
and Webster, 1997).
Today’s Universities, characterised by difference and disagreement
between departmental disciplines and values, lack any general
motivating theme. In such a liberal setting of mutual disinterest, the
managerial figures emerging from the 1992 creation of new universities,
may struggle to be visionaries for an increasingly chaotic educational
mix. Instead, they can be seen to resort to opportunistic and
ultimately passive approaches (ibid) driven by preset agendas, market
principles and the need to win resources, rather than wider public
interests, participation at all levels and inclusion for students of
all outlooks, political and educational backgrounds (Melody, 1997). The
emphasis is firmly on performativity and ideas are treated like
commodities. Performativity is adopted as a model to bring about
material benefits for the organisation, which can be quantified and
objectively assessed. Many examples can be seen in advertisements for
senior university posts on newspapers nowadays, which clearly show a
demand for charismatic, fund-generating managers, able to lead the
organisation in the 21st century and relocate it within a competitive
market. There is less explicit mention in such job adverts of, for
example, the ability to engage with the intellectuality of students and
staff, discipline or institution. A new professional identity for
senior management is in this way emerging and it is tellingly becoming
increasingly difficult to find individuals to fulfil the newly
interpreted role of vice-chancellor in a new commercial era for HE
(Fazackerley, 2006a).
Indeed the three female Vice-Chancellors interviewed, spoke
consistently of the pressures upon them to perform effectively as
leaders in a newly market-focussed Higher Education sector. While each
appeared to value their feminine qualities and conceived of themselves
as somewhat differential in being women leaders in the sector, they
also referred to qualities typically conceived in the literature as
more masculine, as being essential if the individual is to be taken
seriously by those whom they manage. These include the need to have a
‘hard edge’, taking charge, delegating and, to some extent, exercising
power. The pressures on such women seemed to emanate from the need to
‘perform’ in the same way as their male counterparts, a suggestion
notable in one interviewee’s admission that male executives were
initially confused about how they should behave towards such a figure.
Regardless of the more feminine of the aspirations and beliefs the
women interviewed held about their roles, they each identified
themselves in their present positions most distinctly as either
industry-style executive officers or visionaries constrained by
external policy and organisational goals. Such identities fit more
closely with the corporate idea of the individual able to make the
enterprise perform optimally, rather than the leader inspired to the
collective and individual educational values and personal qualities
represented within the organisation. The performativity regime emerges
from the increasingly corporate-like structure of HE organisations in
the UK. It is therefore interesting to explore how masculinist
assumptions with regard to leadership as linked to performativity still
persist nowadays in universities, although such regime is also extended
to other educational institutions and across the public sector
(Whitehead, 2005).
Currently in HE, we are assisting in the development of a language that
professionals must master in order to succeed and provide a level of
accountability to the management. Such language, which includes things
like ‘student numbers’, ‘attraction’, ‘income generation’ and ‘third
stream activities’ can be found to be inherently masculine. What it
proposes is the reaffirmation of masculinity masked under the veil of
performance, within a more general performativity regime as a
disciplinary system. It is masculine in the sense that it is precisely
the masculine corporate culture, with all its characteristics of
effectiveness and efficiency gauged in terms of financial gain, rather
than employee satisfaction or emotion, inclusion and all the
paraphernalia associated with feminine leadership, that enables it to
become a perverse tool of oppression. In this sense, in such cultures,
women are obliged to change; to mask and suppress, adapting and
camouflaging their femininity. They are requested to become masculine
women who have learnt “to accommodate to masculine culture, hence they
are not anxious to encourage feminine leadership in subordinates”
(Tomlinson, 2004, p.147). Work in another sense has been undertaken
showing signs of great achievements by women leaders creating positive
environments for women (Williams and Swiszczowski, 2005)
Masculinity is in this way reinterpreted in the current managerial
climate of HE. More and more often, senior management in UK
universities are asked and are required to perform in a truly corporate
managerial style (Cartwright, 2005), bringing thus concepts such as
managerialism at all levels in the HE sector. Managerialism can also be
synonymous with professionalism, a term much used and abused in the
current discourse, although retaining some principle characteristics.
Such characteristics of professionals can be identified in individuals
having strong knowledge and technical expertise (Kerfoot, 2002), who
appear to know how to become an individual and at all effects, how to
be in the organisation. Professionals nowadays also learn how to relate
to others, which inevitably becomes characterised as that act which
seeks to render the other subordinate to the demands of the
corporation. These become in some organisations, the so-called ‘key
people’. This is another form of masculinity, emotionally flat, centred
on specialised skills and insistent on professional esteem in light of
domination and oppression of other workers in the organisation. In this
case, workers can be male or female if they do not adapt to the
professional climate. This is very close to all the aspects of
leadership and managerialism which cling to performativity in order to
find their own being, which becomes better explicated as “the endless
search for effectiveness and efficiency in contemporary postmodern
society” (Lyotard, in Kerfoot, 2002). Managerial work, as such,
projects a heavily masculine imagery. Masculinity simultaneously
becomes reinterpreted in the discourse through the activities and
behaviour of a professional manager. It is not difficult to notice the
marginalisation of feminine traits, as well as the marginalisation and
oppression of males displaying a feminine attitude within the new role
ascribed by the postmodern society to leaders. It follows that the
figure of the professional is at the same time that of manager, who may
also be a leader who is already loaded with ideas of success; the
language of success must as such be learnt and spoken and the discourse
should pervade the formal structures of appraisal, job retention and
promotion. Such language pervades the disembodied actions of the
competent manager. The power relationships involved in such
transactions symbolise the masculinity of the discourse in which lower
organisational substrates are requested to participate. Appraisal
processes and job performance do not only extend but also amplify the
masculinist discourse of the academy by re-establishing the order of
superior-subordinate, competent-trainee, senior-junior, which is
uncomfortable and in some cases undignified for academic women and men
also. The issues of power relationships involved in appraisal processes
and job promotions can become seriously imbalanced (Brooks, 1997) to
the point that the underlying masculinist agenda behind the
transactional natures of such relationships becomes evident. Brooks, in
her study (Brooks, 1997) has brought to light how the imbalance at
senior levels in the academy between women and men, can enforce
masculinist discourses through the power exercised in appraisal
processes and job promotion interviews. Senior management, being the
setting in which leadership has been traditionally identified (though
when understood broadly, leadership can also be seen at various levels
throughout the organisation) if gender-imbalanced, can create serious
preoccupations with regard to the emergence and consideration of
leaderships with underlying feminine styles. It is an error nonetheless
to consider women and feminine leaderships as a homogenous category;
that would only bring about an idea of complement to masculine styles,
more than of diversity and untapped sources to be explored.
Conclusions
This debate raises significant questions, not least that of whether or
not it is still feasible or helpful to continue to talk of femininity
or masculinity or androgyny in leadership, when seeking to identify
characteristics in an increasingly chaotic intellectual culture. Should
not perhaps the increasingly chaotic postmodern university environment
be a ground in which stereotypical characteristics might lose their
patterns?
It is perhaps then most fruitful to view masculinity and femininity
both as products of social construction: More fruitful because it can
help us to develop a more acute awareness of our own masculinity and
femininity. An important underlying consequence of such a venture would
be to help ensure that there are no people on this world who can lay
claim to prescribed rights to lead, but that they become agents of
their own making.
We are then encouraged to raise further questions. For example, are
organisations becoming truly inclusive by opening up senior management
doors and more generally workplace doors to women, or are they merely
responding to legislation without allowing for challenges to what
leadership has been and is and thus expecting women at work to perform
as masculine? At the same time, what prejudices exist towards men who
display feminine characteristics in their leadership approach and how
many are excluded from senior management positions for such reasons?
In such a panorama it is important therefore to identify new grounds
for the explorations of a new diversity of leadership, gender relations
and styles. Thus far, the discourse on masculinity and feminity in
educational organisations has been very fruitful in order to engage
women in the debate and level some of the difficulties in the discourse
surrounding leadership in universities. Leadership and diversity have
also been historically argued over and circumscribed within the gender
difference speculation of either the analytic-rational or the
Marxist-feminist tradition. The equal opportunities legislation has in
this respect, not acknowledged diversity in intellectual philosophical
terms but has highlighted only the behavioural aspects of. Its
preoccupations have been mostly to relocate underrepresented people
within organisations, nonetheless treating them as convenient objects
with regard to sex, ethnicity, age and identity: Relocating individuals
who inevitably become swallowed up in the masculinist and oppressive
culture of some universities.
Perhaps until the discourse on educational leadership moves away from
calls to reframe masculinity or femininity as a tangible and ahistorcal
entity and instead helps encourage the making of leadership as
inclusive, it will not be possible to truly transform HE leadership.
Acknowledgments
Many thanks to Prof. Stephen Whitehead and David Cracknell for their
useful comments and suggestions on the early development of this paper.
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